By Rahaman Abiola Toheeb
Book: Armattan of Venom
Author: Lawal Gege Baseran
Year: 2016
Over the recent times contemporary Nigerian literary texts have shifted attention from being completely narrowed down to general stereotypical discourses in terms of thematic focus, and by doing so creating a nucleus of political consciousness and assuming the social political responsibility- a strong revolutionary engine room- that challenges the predominant economic cum political factor behind the tyrannical display of power and total abuse of economy by the diminutive but influential and potent people of power – the class of bourgeois.
This drastically political dimension and movement in literature which is Marxist in nature (a radical perception of human society) could be said to be a pivotal projection of angst and antagonism, since literature mirrors the society, with a view to subjecting the philosophy of power management to criticism, thus advocating for crucial and balance fundamental change in the societal polity and its economic structures within the existing classes.
As Ngugi Wa Thiog’o would put it: ‘a writer is a member of the society. He belongs to a certain class and he is inevitably a participant in the class struggle of his times.’ Contemporary African writers have inevitably come to an age of active revolutionary involvement and total political activism due to the quite lamentable, migraine-giving and completely untenable condition they find themselves in the hand of the political capitalist cabals and human materialists.
They cannot arm–fold themselves in silence in the face of terror. Consequently, their works have become reactionary with thematic signpost of revolutionary appeal against the burgeoning acute leadership failure and draconian display of vainglory. The burdening memories of agony and social malice, coupled with unparalleled resistance against the bane placed on the bosom of the poverty-ridden, hunger-stricken and hapless populace by the ruling class breathe life to the expedient demand and open agitation for authentic African imagery and invocations that spin through the political and economic hierarchy.
A further and more explicating reason behind the sudden shift and metamorphosis of African writing into full political activeness is what Nigerian poet Niyi Osundare tries to re-echo when he posits that writers: ‘cannot keep quiet about the situation in the kind of countries we find ourselves in Africa in which when you wake up . . . The image of the ruler you see is that of a dictator with gun in his hand. . .’
And of those writers- either radical Marxist or rational-Marxist or others- whose targeted goal is the pursuit of sane society bereft of political pollution or economic plague is Gege Baseran (his pseudonym), a poet and playwright who tries to create a scenario of societal conflict between the poverty-ridden, gullible and subservient, destitute but resolute and resilient class of proletariats that take the larger share of the societal populace, and their wealthy, capitalist counterparts through the text Armattan of Venom.
Armattan of Venom, a synonymously allusive metaphor for exploitation and tit-for-tat throw-back of vengeance, mischief, repercussion, law of karma is a Marxist reactionary text that revolves around social injustice, economic imbalance and abuse of power by the upper class dominated by the egocentric political killjoys and repressive economic oppressors against the hapless common men. It tries to portray the struggle for the survival of the fittest among the over-crowded paupers, without shadowing the high level of political consciousness and reactionary sense of grievances in them, while also presenting intimidation as a strict and draconian agenda maneuvered by the upper class to silence the people below. And this as exemplified in Baba Olowo’s horrible statement when he says:
“. . . Aside the fact that I am an Honourable Councillor, Eminent Chairman and Grand Commander, Makoko Landlords’ Council, Life Patron, Makoko Eminent Citizens, I have two friends in the Military; I have two friends in the State Security Service; I have two friends in the State Anti–Robbery Squad; two friends in the State Investigation Bureau; two friends in the Civil Defence. . . No Court of Law in this country will give you, a fiendish pauper or your case a hearing. . . A kobo it will never cost me!”
Tragic, comedic, satirical, encompassing and didactic, also laced with humorous projection of the contemporary political dispositions and general verities, the drama text which has an anti-climax action movement with ostensibly organic plot structure centers on the social clash between the visible social classes of Makoko town(a metaphor suggestive of a common African society) with the ruling class ably represented by the characters of stingy chief-capitalist Baba Olowo, Machiavellian political gladiator Senator Stephen Santos, self-centered materialist Chief Agboworin, and the lower class- the class of exploited made up of Ramoni and his wife Ladun, Badejo, Saamu Rebecca, Ladi , Adigun and the likes.
At the execution area of Makoko, five criminals (what the playwright describes as KRIMINARS) are to be executed for taking the law into their hands by committing murder by violence, sending some important personalities of the upper classes to the gullet of their grave out of their annoyance. For Badejo, his successful public murder of Senator Santos at a campaign ground is borne out of revolutionary concern, as he (Santos) belongs to the ‘leagues of looters. . . in a country vilely characterized by reckless leadership failure, untamed followership disorientation, twisted social psyche, murderous quest for power and material wealth, pervasive poverty, religious bigotry and fanaticism, rancorous tribalism’.
Rebecca, a well-known psychotic woman is condemned to death because she strangles a revered government contractor, Chief Agboworin in retaliatory act of vengeance to death. Her husband, until his death was‘ a committed, honest and hardworking Director in the Ministry of Works’ who is said to have been assassinated by the Chief, which consequently ruins her matrimony and psychological well-being. For Ramoni, he deserves execution just like others because he deliberately kills Baba Olowo in an attempt to save his wife from being sexually assaulted and abused. Ramoni is a ‘slothful scoundrel’ born into Ajegune- a gutter of groan. He’s a best instance of commoner and a pauperized tenant, always subjected to threat of evacuation and spirit-waning verbal abuses by Baba Olowo because of his futile attempts to meet his monthly rent.
Ironically, they never regret their act of murder as being destructive and atrocious in a land of‘(mal)-functioning ’law, despite the public sympathy and human concern generated by their execution. Rather, they see themselves as catalysts of pivotal change towards saving their society from the loin of justice endangerment and politics of massive ineptitude. They see their act as being equitable and expedient in the face of class oppression, thus ready for the consequence and prefer to die as revolutionary heroes and martyrs. No wonder Badejo tries to justify his deadly act when he says:
. . . but let me say that my action was, in no way, murderous. But if you insist that it is, I should accept that I have committed it for a positive change, for redemption and for enthronement of truth and justice in the land that is in dire need of liberation. . . the more revolution is postponed in this land, the thicker and longer the web of oppression and institutionalised injustices becomes.
Taking it from the purview of critical appraisal, it can be said that the book challenges the societal conscience and consciousness in a view to re-awakening the common interest and spirit of the masses towards a revolutionary need. Vastly marxist in expanding scope and heightened in language, the text sees revolutionary struggle i.e. harsh and (de-)constrictive criticism, `random violent response, light internal aggression etc., and political activeness as panacea to the society deluged by class oppression and continuous economic cheat.
With the diction so superb, powerful, real, grandiloquent, very concrete and transparent, poetic and embellished, Base ran does not only understand the nature and the language of corruption in African society and present it in a way that is very clear with sound imageries through the use of sarcasm and irony, but also create several instances of amusement and satirical condemnation of the capitalist agenda.
For instance, the names of the arch-villains in the book do not only seem to be amusing, but also a strong projection of the role they really place in the text. Chief Agboworin, for instance is seen carrying money around, philandering with harlots with the hard-earn wages of public labourers. Similarly, the vainglorious bravado of Baba Olowo as shown in his verbal flatulence portrays him as a replica of the rich men in the real African context, while the character of Senator Stephen Santos represents the common political gladiators whose political ambition is usually achieved on the thoroughfare of bloodshed and die-hard politics.
Without any iota of doubt, Baseran’s use of subtle irony to lampoon the political realities, with keen focus on inequality and corruption as predominant factors for the evolution of revolution is worthy of attention. Avery awful situation in which a well-known corrupt political brigand and intellectual opportunist, Senator Santos is being over-eulogized as ‘a friend of the friendless, father of the fatherless, senator of the sick and the silent, a rare mentor and benefactor, only one chosen to wear a crown of thorns. . .’, shows how visible facts do no longer seem relevant in the course of stomach infrastructuralism –an act displayed by the MC, another character in the book.
Another significant point of contact in the text is the candid depiction of rustiness of faith, crucifixion of conscience in the religious hierarchy. This is undeniable fact, even at the global scene where religious leaders have forsaken the Divine and kowtowed for men in power for the crumbles of bread that may fall off the master’s table. One also needs to commend the role of Arts in the criticism of the society as portrayed in the character of Awobi, a self-acclaimed dramatist.
Although Baseran deserves applause for his beautiful language management, he has failed to present a simple message in a simple form of communication. The language, on personal note, should be pedestrian to make the message easily explicable to ordinary common man who the book is concerned about his plight. The language, jaw-breaking and poetic, makes the text totally hard and elitist.
Similarly, there is a problem with the presentation of Marxist ideology and revolutionary spirit in the book. It can be said to be crude, primitive, extremely violent and highly destructive. The question we need to ask ourselves is: Are revolutionaries really patriots? Is there anybody that would be put on horse without shrugging shoulders at those on ground? The statement: ‘He who fears to destroy never dares to create. True peace resides in war! He who desires peace must at all times prepare for war! ’credited toBadejo, the arch-revolutionary of the text may be paradoxical but not genuinely real. Deliberate advocation for anarchy as an antidote to societal imbalance does not bring any change rather than ruin and waste of both human and natural resources. Marxism, even his two proponents- Fredric Engel and Karl Marx – never believed in violent demonstration of anger. What they were after was a society with common political and economic goals.
Rahaman Abiola Toheeb, a creative writer, editor, socio-political commentator blogs at www.rahamanabiola.blogspot.com @DonRabtob
