The federal government last week sought the consent of the National Assembly to extend the state of emergency in the North-east for the third consecutive time, but was scuttled by fracas at the House of Representatives. Gradually but inexorably, the extension of emergency rule in the North-east, following the protracted orgy of savagery by the Boko Haram militia is becoming ineffective. It is to this extent that the fresh proposal for extension tends to ridicule the executive arm, as many Nigerians wonder why a single strategy should continuously be adopted.
A recourse to the experiences of the affected states since May 2013 and subsequent extension would suffice. Abdullahi Bego, Yobe state governor’s spokesman, once said: “Over the six months of emergency rule and later over the second, we have seen some of the worst attacks by Boko Haram in Yobe state. From GSS Damaturu to GSS Mamudo to College of Agriculture Gujba and FGC Buni Yadi, more than 120 students were killed by insurgents. There were many other attacks in Gujba and Damaturu local governments.” For the people of Yobe state, the imposition of a state of emergency is clearly not the right option for neutralizing the rag-tag group. Though the emergency rule may not be the cause of the upsurge in the spate of attacks, it is undeniable that it has failed, for which reason the request for its extension is misplaced.
Last week’s rigmarole at the National Assembly has not helped matters. Opposition lawmakers in both chambers see the emergency rule policy as a failure, with insurgents recording gains since May last year. “Emergency rule is over as far as we are concerned,” said House of Representatives’ spokesman Zakari Mohammed. He said that members of the lower house resolved that the extension lacks merit. Consequently, a vote was not taken and the decision came in a closed-door session, as Senate President David Mark ordered the closure of the parliament because of the crisis within the complex.
Zakari added: “We have asked the president to rely on Section 8 of the Armed Forces Act which empowers him to deploy the military to trouble spots in the country. If we have adopted a particular style and it’s not yielding the desired results, we should be able to change course.” Beyond the latest posture of the National Assembly, experts have variously questioned the usefulness of Jonathan’s emergency decree, and the additional powers given to the military to carry out the 18-month offensive have never been spelt out.
That many senators representing the besieged states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa have kicked against the fresh request for extension speaks volumes about the progressively-failing emergency rule, bringing to the fore the need for a change of tact. It is high time the federal government evolved an entirely new strategy to rid the North-east of the blood-letting by the rag-tag group. The executive arm may wish to enlist the support of France, which successfully flushed out the Tuareg insurgents in Mali. Another option is the experimental use of hunters, as exemplified by the rapid results recorded in Adamawa state. Before the Adamawa experiment, a similar offer made by hunters in Borno three months ago at the palace of Shehu El-Kanemi was turned down by the authorities. With the in-road recorded in Adamawa, the authorities need to revisit the initial offer by Maiduguri hunters. It is worrisome that the involvement of US, UK, Canada and China appears to have no visible impact and the situation seems to be progressively deteriorating by the day. The time to act is now, to bring an end to the loss of lives and the attendant refugee crisis.